Chickasaw vs Mexican American Indian Community Comparison

The statistical analysis conducted on geographies consisting of 126,463,080 people shows a substantial positive correlation between the proportion of Mexican American Indians within Chickasaw communities in the United States with a correlation coefficient (R) of 0.551. On average, for every 1% (one percent) increase in Chickasaw within a typical geography, there is an increase of 0.059% in Mexican American Indians. To illustrate, in a geography comprising of 100,000 individuals, a rise of 1,000 Chickasaw corresponds to an increase of 58.5 Mexican American Indians.

When considering income, the most significant differences between Chickasaw and Mexican American Indian communities in the United States are seen in householder income under 25 years ($44,763 compared to $51,783, a difference of 15.7%), median household income ($70,005 compared to $78,166, a difference of 11.7%), and householder income ages 45 - 64 years ($82,193 compared to $90,811, a difference of 10.5%). Conversely, both communities are more comparable in terms of median male earnings ($47,832 compared to $47,990, a difference of 0.33%), per capita income ($36,475 compared to $37,407, a difference of 2.6%), and median earnings ($40,672 compared to $41,719, a difference of 2.6%).

When considering poverty, the most significant differences between Chickasaw and Mexican American Indian communities in the United States are seen in single male poverty (16.3% compared to 13.1%, a difference of 24.9%), single father poverty (19.0% compared to 15.5%, a difference of 22.2%), and female poverty among 18-24 year olds (24.5% compared to 20.4%, a difference of 20.0%). Conversely, both communities are more comparable in terms of family poverty (10.8% compared to 10.9%, a difference of 0.11%), child poverty among girls under 16 (19.6% compared to 19.5%, a difference of 0.61%), and child poverty under the age of 16 (19.5% compared to 19.3%, a difference of 0.72%).

When considering unemployment, the most significant differences between Chickasaw and Mexican American Indian communities in the United States are seen in unemployment among seniors over 65 years (4.4% compared to 5.4%, a difference of 23.4%), unemployment among ages 60 to 64 years (4.3% compared to 5.3%, a difference of 22.1%), and unemployment among ages 65 to 74 years (4.7% compared to 5.7%, a difference of 20.5%). Conversely, both communities are more comparable in terms of unemployment among women with children ages 6 to 17 years (8.6% compared to 8.9%, a difference of 3.8%), unemployment among ages 30 to 34 years (6.2% compared to 5.9%, a difference of 4.3%), and unemployment among women with children under 6 years (9.0% compared to 8.5%, a difference of 5.3%).

When considering labor participation, the most significant differences between Chickasaw and Mexican American Indian communities in the United States are seen in in labor force | age 16-19 (38.3% compared to 36.0%, a difference of 6.6%), in labor force | age > 16 (62.3% compared to 64.9%, a difference of 4.2%), and in labor force | age 20-64 (76.2% compared to 78.2%, a difference of 2.6%). Conversely, both communities are more comparable in terms of in labor force | age 20-24 (74.5% compared to 75.4%, a difference of 1.3%), in labor force | age 25-29 (81.9% compared to 83.0%, a difference of 1.4%), and in labor force | age 30-34 (81.9% compared to 83.2%, a difference of 1.6%).

When considering family structure, the most significant differences between Chickasaw and Mexican American Indian communities in the United States are seen in divorced or separated (14.2% compared to 12.0%, a difference of 18.1%), average family size (3.19 compared to 3.43, a difference of 7.5%), and family households with children (28.2% compared to 29.7%, a difference of 5.4%). Conversely, both communities are more comparable in terms of married-couple households (45.9% compared to 45.9%, a difference of 0.030%), births to unmarried women (36.3% compared to 35.7%, a difference of 1.5%), and single father households (2.8% compared to 2.8%, a difference of 2.3%).

When considering vehicle availability, the most significant differences between Chickasaw and Mexican American Indian communities in the United States are seen in no vehicles in household (7.9% compared to 9.1%, a difference of 15.7%), 4 or more vehicles in household (7.4% compared to 8.4%, a difference of 13.1%), and 3 or more vehicles in household (22.2% compared to 23.3%, a difference of 4.8%). Conversely, both communities are more comparable in terms of 2 or more vehicles in household (59.0% compared to 58.7%, a difference of 0.48%), 1 or more vehicles in household (92.3% compared to 91.0%, a difference of 1.4%), and 3 or more vehicles in household (22.2% compared to 23.3%, a difference of 4.8%).

When considering education level, the most significant differences between Chickasaw and Mexican American Indian communities in the United States are seen in no schooling completed (1.7% compared to 3.2%, a difference of 88.1%), doctorate degree (1.5% compared to 1.4%, a difference of 9.2%), and high school diploma (88.4% compared to 83.0%, a difference of 6.5%). Conversely, both communities are more comparable in terms of bachelor's degree (30.4% compared to 30.2%, a difference of 0.51%), associate's degree (38.6% compared to 38.2%, a difference of 1.2%), and master's degree (11.4% compared to 11.2%, a difference of 1.5%).

When considering disability, the most significant differences between Chickasaw and Mexican American Indian communities in the United States are seen in hearing disability (4.5% compared to 3.0%, a difference of 47.3%), disability age under 5 (1.7% compared to 1.3%, a difference of 38.6%), and disability age 35 to 64 (16.1% compared to 12.0%, a difference of 33.8%). Conversely, both communities are more comparable in terms of disability age over 75 (51.2% compared to 50.0%, a difference of 2.3%), cognitive disability (18.5% compared to 17.9%, a difference of 3.3%), and self-care disability (2.9% compared to 2.6%, a difference of 8.9%).