Chickasaw vs Central American Indian Community Comparison

The statistical analysis conducted on geographies consisting of 119,268,130 people shows a substantial positive correlation between the proportion of Central American Indians within Chickasaw communities in the United States with a correlation coefficient (R) of 0.574. On average, for every 1% (one percent) increase in Chickasaw within a typical geography, there is an increase of 0.048% in Central American Indians. To illustrate, in a geography comprising of 100,000 individuals, a rise of 1,000 Chickasaw corresponds to an increase of 47.8 Central American Indians.

When considering income, the most significant differences between Chickasaw and Central American Indian communities in the United States are seen in wage/income gap (27.2% compared to 22.7%, a difference of 19.8%), householder income under 25 years ($44,763 compared to $48,643, a difference of 8.7%), and median household income ($70,005 compared to $74,847, a difference of 6.9%). Conversely, both communities are more comparable in terms of median male earnings ($47,832 compared to $47,433, a difference of 0.84%), householder income over 65 years ($53,732 compared to $53,232, a difference of 0.94%), and median earnings ($40,672 compared to $41,474, a difference of 2.0%).

When considering poverty, the most significant differences between Chickasaw and Central American Indian communities in the United States are seen in married-couple family poverty (5.8% compared to 8.3%, a difference of 43.3%), seniors poverty over the age of 75 (11.6% compared to 16.5%, a difference of 42.1%), and seniors poverty over the age of 65 (10.7% compared to 15.1%, a difference of 41.2%). Conversely, both communities are more comparable in terms of single mother poverty (34.4% compared to 34.3%, a difference of 0.26%), single female poverty (26.3% compared to 25.5%, a difference of 3.2%), and single male poverty (16.3% compared to 17.2%, a difference of 5.7%).

When considering unemployment, the most significant differences between Chickasaw and Central American Indian communities in the United States are seen in unemployment among seniors over 75 years (7.3% compared to 9.2%, a difference of 25.1%), unemployment among ages 45 to 54 years (4.2% compared to 5.3%, a difference of 24.4%), and unemployment among women with children under 18 years (5.4% compared to 6.7%, a difference of 24.2%). Conversely, both communities are more comparable in terms of unemployment among ages 30 to 34 years (6.2% compared to 6.4%, a difference of 3.7%), unemployment among women with children under 6 years (9.0% compared to 9.6%, a difference of 7.0%), and unemployment among ages 35 to 44 years (4.9% compared to 5.6%, a difference of 12.9%).

When considering labor participation, the most significant differences between Chickasaw and Central American Indian communities in the United States are seen in in labor force | age 16-19 (38.3% compared to 34.1%, a difference of 12.5%), in labor force | age 20-24 (74.5% compared to 72.7%, a difference of 2.4%), and in labor force | age 35-44 (80.9% compared to 82.5%, a difference of 1.9%). Conversely, both communities are more comparable in terms of in labor force | age 25-29 (81.9% compared to 82.4%, a difference of 0.67%), in labor force | age 20-64 (76.2% compared to 77.1%, a difference of 1.2%), and in labor force | age 45-54 (79.0% compared to 80.0%, a difference of 1.2%).

When considering family structure, the most significant differences between Chickasaw and Central American Indian communities in the United States are seen in divorced or separated (14.2% compared to 12.7%, a difference of 12.1%), currently married (46.6% compared to 43.3%, a difference of 7.7%), and single mother households (7.0% compared to 7.6%, a difference of 7.4%). Conversely, both communities are more comparable in terms of family households with children (28.2% compared to 27.9%, a difference of 1.1%), family households (64.4% compared to 65.2%, a difference of 1.2%), and single father households (2.8% compared to 2.7%, a difference of 3.2%).

When considering vehicle availability, the most significant differences between Chickasaw and Central American Indian communities in the United States are seen in no vehicles in household (7.9% compared to 13.3%, a difference of 69.9%), 3 or more vehicles in household (22.2% compared to 19.0%, a difference of 16.6%), and 4 or more vehicles in household (7.4% compared to 6.5%, a difference of 14.9%). Conversely, both communities are more comparable in terms of 1 or more vehicles in household (92.3% compared to 86.7%, a difference of 6.4%), 2 or more vehicles in household (59.0% compared to 52.5%, a difference of 12.4%), and 4 or more vehicles in household (7.4% compared to 6.5%, a difference of 14.9%).

When considering education level, the most significant differences between Chickasaw and Central American Indian communities in the United States are seen in no schooling completed (1.7% compared to 2.8%, a difference of 67.9%), master's degree (11.4% compared to 12.4%, a difference of 8.9%), and professional degree (3.4% compared to 3.6%, a difference of 8.1%). Conversely, both communities are more comparable in terms of college, 1 year or more (53.3% compared to 53.5%, a difference of 0.40%), doctorate degree (1.5% compared to 1.5%, a difference of 1.2%), and nursery school (98.4% compared to 97.2%, a difference of 1.2%).

When considering disability, the most significant differences between Chickasaw and Central American Indian communities in the United States are seen in hearing disability (4.5% compared to 3.3%, a difference of 37.4%), disability age under 5 (1.7% compared to 1.3%, a difference of 30.7%), and disability age 18 to 34 (9.0% compared to 6.9%, a difference of 29.2%). Conversely, both communities are more comparable in terms of disability age over 75 (51.2% compared to 50.5%, a difference of 1.4%), cognitive disability (18.5% compared to 18.2%, a difference of 1.7%), and self-care disability (2.9% compared to 2.7%, a difference of 4.3%).