Chickasaw vs Spanish American Indian Community Comparison

The statistical analysis conducted on geographies consisting of 51,362,663 people shows no correlation between the proportion of Spanish American Indians within Chickasaw communities in the United States with a correlation coefficient (R) of 0.021. On average, for every 1% (one percent) increase in Chickasaw within a typical geography, there is an increase of 0.002% in Spanish American Indians. To illustrate, in a geography comprising of 100,000 individuals, a rise of 1,000 Chickasaw corresponds to an increase of 1.8 Spanish American Indians.

When considering income, the most significant differences between Chickasaw and Spanish American Indian communities in the United States are seen in householder income under 25 years ($44,763 compared to $55,573, a difference of 24.1%), wage/income gap (27.2% compared to 22.5%, a difference of 20.5%), and median household income ($70,005 compared to $76,670, a difference of 9.5%). Conversely, both communities are more comparable in terms of median family income ($85,356 compared to $85,728, a difference of 0.44%), householder income over 65 years ($53,732 compared to $53,077, a difference of 1.2%), and median female earnings ($34,414 compared to $33,625, a difference of 2.4%).

When considering poverty, the most significant differences between Chickasaw and Spanish American Indian communities in the United States are seen in female poverty among 18-24 year olds (24.5% compared to 18.1%, a difference of 35.1%), single male poverty (16.3% compared to 12.1%, a difference of 34.4%), and seniors poverty over the age of 75 (11.6% compared to 15.5%, a difference of 33.3%). Conversely, both communities are more comparable in terms of family poverty (10.8% compared to 10.9%, a difference of 0.63%), child poverty among boys under 16 (19.8% compared to 19.6%, a difference of 0.95%), and child poverty under the age of 16 (19.5% compared to 19.7%, a difference of 1.1%).

When considering unemployment, the most significant differences between Chickasaw and Spanish American Indian communities in the United States are seen in unemployment among ages 60 to 64 years (4.3% compared to 5.4%, a difference of 25.1%), unemployment (5.0% compared to 6.2%, a difference of 24.0%), and unemployment among seniors over 65 years (4.4% compared to 5.4%, a difference of 22.4%). Conversely, both communities are more comparable in terms of unemployment among women with children under 6 years (9.0% compared to 8.7%, a difference of 3.4%), unemployment among women with children ages 6 to 17 years (8.6% compared to 8.2%, a difference of 4.8%), and unemployment among ages 25 to 29 years (6.7% compared to 7.1%, a difference of 5.5%).

When considering labor participation, the most significant differences between Chickasaw and Spanish American Indian communities in the United States are seen in in labor force | age 16-19 (38.3% compared to 32.4%, a difference of 18.5%), in labor force | age > 16 (62.3% compared to 63.8%, a difference of 2.4%), and in labor force | age 35-44 (80.9% compared to 82.5%, a difference of 1.9%). Conversely, both communities are more comparable in terms of in labor force | age 30-34 (81.9% compared to 82.2%, a difference of 0.39%), in labor force | age 20-24 (74.5% compared to 73.7%, a difference of 0.97%), and in labor force | age 25-29 (81.9% compared to 82.9%, a difference of 1.2%).

When considering family structure, the most significant differences between Chickasaw and Spanish American Indian communities in the United States are seen in divorced or separated (14.2% compared to 11.6%, a difference of 22.7%), average family size (3.19 compared to 3.58, a difference of 12.4%), and family households (64.4% compared to 71.2%, a difference of 10.5%). Conversely, both communities are more comparable in terms of married-couple households (45.9% compared to 46.6%, a difference of 1.5%), single mother households (7.0% compared to 7.3%, a difference of 3.1%), and births to unmarried women (36.3% compared to 37.4%, a difference of 3.1%).

When considering vehicle availability, the most significant differences between Chickasaw and Spanish American Indian communities in the United States are seen in 4 or more vehicles in household (7.4% compared to 10.8%, a difference of 44.8%), no vehicles in household (7.9% compared to 10.1%, a difference of 28.6%), and 3 or more vehicles in household (22.2% compared to 26.9%, a difference of 21.3%). Conversely, both communities are more comparable in terms of 2 or more vehicles in household (59.0% compared to 60.3%, a difference of 2.2%), 1 or more vehicles in household (92.3% compared to 89.9%, a difference of 2.6%), and 3 or more vehicles in household (22.2% compared to 26.9%, a difference of 21.3%).

When considering education level, the most significant differences between Chickasaw and Spanish American Indian communities in the United States are seen in no schooling completed (1.7% compared to 4.2%, a difference of 147.3%), doctorate degree (1.5% compared to 1.1%, a difference of 42.5%), and professional degree (3.4% compared to 2.7%, a difference of 26.7%). Conversely, both communities are more comparable in terms of nursery school (98.4% compared to 95.8%, a difference of 2.7%), kindergarten (98.4% compared to 95.8%, a difference of 2.7%), and 1st grade (98.3% compared to 95.7%, a difference of 2.8%).

When considering disability, the most significant differences between Chickasaw and Spanish American Indian communities in the United States are seen in hearing disability (4.5% compared to 3.1%, a difference of 45.5%), disability age 18 to 34 (9.0% compared to 6.4%, a difference of 40.8%), and disability age 35 to 64 (16.1% compared to 11.7%, a difference of 37.2%). Conversely, both communities are more comparable in terms of self-care disability (2.9% compared to 2.9%, a difference of 0.22%), disability age over 75 (51.2% compared to 49.9%, a difference of 2.5%), and cognitive disability (18.5% compared to 17.8%, a difference of 4.2%).