Comanche vs Central American Indian Community Comparison

The statistical analysis conducted on geographies consisting of 91,704,134 people shows a weak negative correlation between the proportion of Central American Indians within Comanche communities in the United States with a correlation coefficient (R) of -0.238. On average, for every 1% (one percent) increase in Comanche within a typical geography, there is a decrease of 0.022% in Central American Indians. To illustrate, in a geography comprising of 100,000 individuals, a rise of 1,000 Comanche corresponds to a decrease of 21.6 Central American Indians.

When considering income, the most significant differences between Comanche and Central American Indian communities in the United States are seen in wage/income gap (25.0% compared to 22.7%, a difference of 10.4%), householder income over 65 years ($54,922 compared to $53,232, a difference of 3.2%), and householder income under 25 years ($47,518 compared to $48,643, a difference of 2.4%). Conversely, both communities are more comparable in terms of median earnings ($41,519 compared to $41,474, a difference of 0.11%), householder income ages 25 - 44 years ($82,152 compared to $82,355, a difference of 0.25%), and median family income ($88,556 compared to $88,034, a difference of 0.59%).

When considering poverty, the most significant differences between Comanche and Central American Indian communities in the United States are seen in married-couple family poverty (6.0% compared to 8.3%, a difference of 38.8%), seniors poverty over the age of 75 (12.8% compared to 16.5%, a difference of 28.9%), and receiving food stamps (13.3% compared to 17.1%, a difference of 28.8%). Conversely, both communities are more comparable in terms of single female poverty (25.6% compared to 25.5%, a difference of 0.44%), single mother poverty (33.9% compared to 34.3%, a difference of 1.2%), and female poverty among 18-24 year olds (23.6% compared to 22.6%, a difference of 4.6%).

When considering unemployment, the most significant differences between Comanche and Central American Indian communities in the United States are seen in unemployment among seniors over 75 years (6.7% compared to 9.2%, a difference of 37.7%), unemployment among ages 65 to 74 years (4.7% compared to 5.7%, a difference of 21.4%), and unemployment among women with children under 6 years (8.0% compared to 9.6%, a difference of 19.3%). Conversely, both communities are more comparable in terms of unemployment among ages 16 to 19 years (20.2% compared to 20.4%, a difference of 0.94%), unemployment among ages 25 to 29 years (7.8% compared to 7.9%, a difference of 1.0%), and unemployment among ages 60 to 64 years (5.0% compared to 5.1%, a difference of 1.8%).

When considering labor participation, the most significant differences between Comanche and Central American Indian communities in the United States are seen in in labor force | age 16-19 (37.7% compared to 34.1%, a difference of 10.6%), in labor force | age 20-24 (75.4% compared to 72.7%, a difference of 3.7%), and in labor force | age 35-44 (81.5% compared to 82.5%, a difference of 1.3%). Conversely, both communities are more comparable in terms of in labor force | age 20-64 (77.0% compared to 77.1%, a difference of 0.080%), in labor force | age > 16 (63.6% compared to 63.4%, a difference of 0.37%), and in labor force | age 30-34 (82.6% compared to 83.0%, a difference of 0.52%).

When considering family structure, the most significant differences between Comanche and Central American Indian communities in the United States are seen in single mother households (7.0% compared to 7.6%, a difference of 7.6%), divorced or separated (13.5% compared to 12.7%, a difference of 6.7%), and births to unmarried women (36.7% compared to 39.0%, a difference of 6.1%). Conversely, both communities are more comparable in terms of family households with children (27.6% compared to 27.9%, a difference of 1.1%), married-couple households (44.5% compared to 43.8%, a difference of 1.7%), and family households (63.5% compared to 65.2%, a difference of 2.7%).

When considering vehicle availability, the most significant differences between Comanche and Central American Indian communities in the United States are seen in no vehicles in household (10.2% compared to 13.3%, a difference of 30.2%), 3 or more vehicles in household (21.0% compared to 19.0%, a difference of 10.2%), and 2 or more vehicles in household (56.5% compared to 52.5%, a difference of 7.5%). Conversely, both communities are more comparable in terms of 1 or more vehicles in household (89.9% compared to 86.7%, a difference of 3.6%), 4 or more vehicles in household (6.8% compared to 6.5%, a difference of 5.0%), and 2 or more vehicles in household (56.5% compared to 52.5%, a difference of 7.5%).

When considering education level, the most significant differences between Comanche and Central American Indian communities in the United States are seen in no schooling completed (2.1% compared to 2.8%, a difference of 38.0%), high school diploma (87.9% compared to 84.2%, a difference of 4.4%), and college, under 1 year (61.4% compared to 59.0%, a difference of 4.0%). Conversely, both communities are more comparable in terms of nursery school (98.0% compared to 97.2%, a difference of 0.87%), kindergarten (98.0% compared to 97.2%, a difference of 0.88%), and 1st grade (98.0% compared to 97.1%, a difference of 0.88%).

When considering disability, the most significant differences between Comanche and Central American Indian communities in the United States are seen in hearing disability (4.0% compared to 3.3%, a difference of 21.6%), disability age 18 to 34 (8.3% compared to 6.9%, a difference of 19.7%), and disability age 35 to 64 (14.7% compared to 13.0%, a difference of 13.2%). Conversely, both communities are more comparable in terms of cognitive disability (18.6% compared to 18.2%, a difference of 2.4%), disability age over 75 (51.7% compared to 50.5%, a difference of 2.4%), and disability age 5 to 17 (6.4% compared to 6.2%, a difference of 3.7%).