Iraqi vs Central American Indian Community Comparison

The statistical analysis conducted on geographies consisting of 138,932,834 people shows a weak negative correlation between the proportion of Central American Indians within Iraqi communities in the United States with a correlation coefficient (R) of -0.250. On average, for every 1% (one percent) increase in Iraqis within a typical geography, there is a decrease of 0.015% in Central American Indians. To illustrate, in a geography comprising of 100,000 individuals, a rise of 1,000 Iraqis corresponds to a decrease of 14.8 Central American Indians.

When considering income, the most significant differences between Iraqi and Central American Indian communities in the United States are seen in wage/income gap (26.6% compared to 22.7%, a difference of 17.5%), householder income ages 45 - 64 years ($99,387 compared to $86,764, a difference of 14.5%), and median family income ($100,658 compared to $88,034, a difference of 14.3%). Conversely, both communities are more comparable in terms of householder income under 25 years ($50,802 compared to $48,643, a difference of 4.4%), median female earnings ($38,666 compared to $35,930, a difference of 7.6%), and householder income ages 25 - 44 years ($90,764 compared to $82,355, a difference of 10.2%).

When considering poverty, the most significant differences between Iraqi and Central American Indian communities in the United States are seen in seniors poverty over the age of 65 (10.6% compared to 15.1%, a difference of 42.5%), family poverty (9.3% compared to 13.3%, a difference of 42.5%), and married-couple family poverty (5.9% compared to 8.3%, a difference of 41.5%). Conversely, both communities are more comparable in terms of female poverty among 18-24 year olds (20.2% compared to 22.6%, a difference of 12.0%), single mother poverty (28.8% compared to 34.3%, a difference of 19.0%), and single female poverty (20.8% compared to 25.5%, a difference of 22.3%).

When considering unemployment, the most significant differences between Iraqi and Central American Indian communities in the United States are seen in unemployment among women with children under 6 years (7.3% compared to 9.6%, a difference of 31.3%), unemployment among ages 16 to 19 years (16.4% compared to 20.4%, a difference of 24.7%), and unemployment among ages 25 to 29 years (6.4% compared to 7.9%, a difference of 23.3%). Conversely, both communities are more comparable in terms of unemployment among seniors over 75 years (9.9% compared to 9.2%, a difference of 7.8%), unemployment among ages 45 to 54 years (4.7% compared to 5.3%, a difference of 12.4%), and unemployment among ages 60 to 64 years (4.5% compared to 5.1%, a difference of 14.1%).

When considering labor participation, the most significant differences between Iraqi and Central American Indian communities in the United States are seen in in labor force | age 16-19 (38.6% compared to 34.1%, a difference of 13.4%), in labor force | age 20-24 (76.0% compared to 72.7%, a difference of 4.5%), and in labor force | age > 16 (65.7% compared to 63.4%, a difference of 3.6%). Conversely, both communities are more comparable in terms of in labor force | age 30-34 (83.8% compared to 83.0%, a difference of 1.0%), in labor force | age 35-44 (83.8% compared to 82.5%, a difference of 1.6%), and in labor force | age 25-29 (83.9% compared to 82.4%, a difference of 1.8%).

When considering family structure, the most significant differences between Iraqi and Central American Indian communities in the United States are seen in births to unmarried women (27.6% compared to 39.0%, a difference of 41.4%), single mother households (6.1% compared to 7.6%, a difference of 23.3%), and single father households (2.2% compared to 2.7%, a difference of 23.1%). Conversely, both communities are more comparable in terms of family households (64.4% compared to 65.2%, a difference of 1.3%), family households with children (28.5% compared to 27.9%, a difference of 2.0%), and average family size (3.24 compared to 3.35, a difference of 3.4%).

When considering vehicle availability, the most significant differences between Iraqi and Central American Indian communities in the United States are seen in no vehicles in household (7.7% compared to 13.3%, a difference of 72.3%), 2 or more vehicles in household (57.1% compared to 52.5%, a difference of 8.7%), and 1 or more vehicles in household (91.9% compared to 86.7%, a difference of 6.0%). Conversely, both communities are more comparable in terms of 3 or more vehicles in household (19.6% compared to 19.0%, a difference of 2.9%), 4 or more vehicles in household (6.2% compared to 6.5%, a difference of 3.6%), and 1 or more vehicles in household (91.9% compared to 86.7%, a difference of 6.0%).

When considering education level, the most significant differences between Iraqi and Central American Indian communities in the United States are seen in professional degree (4.5% compared to 3.6%, a difference of 25.0%), master's degree (15.5% compared to 12.4%, a difference of 24.7%), and no schooling completed (2.4% compared to 2.8%, a difference of 20.6%). Conversely, both communities are more comparable in terms of nursery school (97.7% compared to 97.2%, a difference of 0.56%), kindergarten (97.7% compared to 97.2%, a difference of 0.57%), and 1st grade (97.7% compared to 97.1%, a difference of 0.58%).

When considering disability, the most significant differences between Iraqi and Central American Indian communities in the United States are seen in vision disability (2.1% compared to 3.0%, a difference of 42.3%), ambulatory disability (6.1% compared to 7.2%, a difference of 17.8%), and disability age under 5 (1.2% compared to 1.3%, a difference of 15.1%). Conversely, both communities are more comparable in terms of cognitive disability (17.8% compared to 18.2%, a difference of 2.1%), disability age over 75 (48.6% compared to 50.5%, a difference of 4.0%), and disability age 18 to 34 (6.7% compared to 6.9%, a difference of 4.3%).