Mexican vs Central American Indian Community Comparison

The statistical analysis conducted on geographies consisting of 324,847,267 people shows a weak positive correlation between the proportion of Central American Indians within Mexican communities in the United States with a correlation coefficient (R) of 0.218. On average, for every 1% (one percent) increase in Mexicans within a typical geography, there is an increase of 0.002% in Central American Indians. To illustrate, in a geography comprising of 100,000 individuals, a rise of 1,000 Mexicans corresponds to an increase of 1.5 Central American Indians.

When considering income, the most significant differences between Mexican and Central American Indian communities in the United States are seen in wage/income gap (26.0% compared to 22.7%, a difference of 14.8%), per capita income ($34,559 compared to $37,699, a difference of 9.1%), and median female earnings ($33,664 compared to $35,930, a difference of 6.7%). Conversely, both communities are more comparable in terms of householder income ages 45 - 64 years ($86,816 compared to $86,764, a difference of 0.060%), median household income ($74,399 compared to $74,847, a difference of 0.60%), and householder income over 65 years ($53,897 compared to $53,232, a difference of 1.3%).

When considering poverty, the most significant differences between Mexican and Central American Indian communities in the United States are seen in single father poverty (16.1% compared to 21.7%, a difference of 34.3%), single male poverty (14.0% compared to 17.2%, a difference of 23.4%), and receiving food stamps (14.6% compared to 17.1%, a difference of 16.7%). Conversely, both communities are more comparable in terms of single female poverty (25.0% compared to 25.5%, a difference of 1.7%), single mother poverty (33.6% compared to 34.3%, a difference of 2.3%), and child poverty among boys under 16 (20.7% compared to 22.5%, a difference of 8.5%).

When considering unemployment, the most significant differences between Mexican and Central American Indian communities in the United States are seen in unemployment among ages 20 to 24 years (10.6% compared to 11.9%, a difference of 12.1%), unemployment among ages 16 to 19 years (18.5% compared to 20.4%, a difference of 10.2%), and unemployment among youth under 25 years (12.3% compared to 13.5%, a difference of 9.6%). Conversely, both communities are more comparable in terms of unemployment among seniors over 75 years (9.1% compared to 9.2%, a difference of 0.62%), unemployment among ages 60 to 64 years (5.2% compared to 5.1%, a difference of 2.1%), and unemployment among ages 65 to 74 years (5.8% compared to 5.7%, a difference of 2.2%).

When considering labor participation, the most significant differences between Mexican and Central American Indian communities in the United States are seen in in labor force | age 16-19 (35.6% compared to 34.1%, a difference of 4.6%), in labor force | age 20-24 (75.1% compared to 72.7%, a difference of 3.3%), and in labor force | age 30-34 (81.9% compared to 83.0%, a difference of 1.3%). Conversely, both communities are more comparable in terms of in labor force | age 20-64 (77.2% compared to 77.1%, a difference of 0.19%), in labor force | age 45-54 (79.8% compared to 80.0%, a difference of 0.22%), and in labor force | age 25-29 (81.9% compared to 82.4%, a difference of 0.59%).

When considering family structure, the most significant differences between Mexican and Central American Indian communities in the United States are seen in family households with children (31.4% compared to 27.9%, a difference of 12.3%), single father households (3.0% compared to 2.7%, a difference of 11.6%), and married-couple households (47.1% compared to 43.8%, a difference of 7.8%). Conversely, both communities are more comparable in terms of average family size (3.48 compared to 3.35, a difference of 3.8%), divorced or separated (12.2% compared to 12.7%, a difference of 4.0%), and currently married (45.2% compared to 43.3%, a difference of 4.3%).

When considering vehicle availability, the most significant differences between Mexican and Central American Indian communities in the United States are seen in no vehicles in household (7.0% compared to 13.3%, a difference of 90.0%), 4 or more vehicles in household (8.9% compared to 6.5%, a difference of 38.2%), and 3 or more vehicles in household (24.7% compared to 19.0%, a difference of 29.8%). Conversely, both communities are more comparable in terms of 1 or more vehicles in household (93.0% compared to 86.7%, a difference of 7.3%), 2 or more vehicles in household (61.7% compared to 52.5%, a difference of 17.5%), and 3 or more vehicles in household (24.7% compared to 19.0%, a difference of 29.8%).

When considering education level, the most significant differences between Mexican and Central American Indian communities in the United States are seen in professional degree (2.7% compared to 3.6%, a difference of 32.1%), doctorate degree (1.2% compared to 1.5%, a difference of 30.5%), and master's degree (9.7% compared to 12.4%, a difference of 28.0%). Conversely, both communities are more comparable in terms of nursery school (96.8% compared to 97.2%, a difference of 0.45%), kindergarten (96.7% compared to 97.2%, a difference of 0.46%), and 2nd grade (96.5% compared to 97.0%, a difference of 0.46%).

When considering disability, the most significant differences between Mexican and Central American Indian communities in the United States are seen in vision disability (2.5% compared to 3.0%, a difference of 20.3%), ambulatory disability (6.4% compared to 7.2%, a difference of 12.0%), and female disability (12.4% compared to 13.6%, a difference of 9.9%). Conversely, both communities are more comparable in terms of disability age 65 to 74 (27.2% compared to 27.1%, a difference of 0.28%), disability age over 75 (51.1% compared to 50.5%, a difference of 1.2%), and disability age 18 to 34 (6.8% compared to 6.9%, a difference of 1.8%).