Mexican American Indian vs Ecuadorian Community Comparison

The statistical analysis conducted on geographies consisting of 226,941,510 people shows a substantial negative correlation between the proportion of Ecuadorians within Mexican American Indian communities in the United States with a correlation coefficient (R) of -0.556. On average, for every 1% (one percent) increase in Mexican American Indians within a typical geography, there is a decrease of 0.044% in Ecuadorians. To illustrate, in a geography comprising of 100,000 individuals, a rise of 1,000 Mexican American Indians corresponds to a decrease of 44.1 Ecuadorians.

When considering income, the most significant differences between Mexican American Indian and Ecuadorian communities in the United States are seen in per capita income ($37,407 compared to $41,958, a difference of 12.2%), median female earnings ($35,629 compared to $39,117, a difference of 9.8%), and median earnings ($41,719 compared to $45,214, a difference of 8.4%). Conversely, both communities are more comparable in terms of householder income over 65 years ($56,089 compared to $54,958, a difference of 2.1%), householder income ages 45 - 64 years ($90,811 compared to $93,739, a difference of 3.2%), and householder income under 25 years ($51,783 compared to $53,911, a difference of 4.1%).

When considering poverty, the most significant differences between Mexican American Indian and Ecuadorian communities in the United States are seen in seniors poverty over the age of 75 (13.6% compared to 15.7%, a difference of 15.7%), seniors poverty over the age of 65 (12.4% compared to 14.0%, a difference of 13.1%), and receiving food stamps (13.8% compared to 14.9%, a difference of 8.2%). Conversely, both communities are more comparable in terms of child poverty among boys under 16 (19.4% compared to 19.3%, a difference of 0.23%), family poverty (10.9% compared to 10.8%, a difference of 0.75%), and married-couple family poverty (6.4% compared to 6.5%, a difference of 1.5%).

When considering unemployment, the most significant differences between Mexican American Indian and Ecuadorian communities in the United States are seen in unemployment among women with children ages 6 to 17 years (8.9% compared to 10.0%, a difference of 12.4%), unemployment among ages 20 to 24 years (10.6% compared to 11.8%, a difference of 11.0%), and unemployment among ages 16 to 19 years (18.8% compared to 20.5%, a difference of 9.2%). Conversely, both communities are more comparable in terms of unemployment among ages 25 to 29 years (7.3% compared to 7.4%, a difference of 1.7%), unemployment among ages 65 to 74 years (5.7% compared to 5.8%, a difference of 2.5%), and unemployment among seniors over 75 years (8.8% compared to 8.6%, a difference of 2.6%).

When considering labor participation, the most significant differences between Mexican American Indian and Ecuadorian communities in the United States are seen in in labor force | age 16-19 (36.0% compared to 31.4%, a difference of 14.5%), in labor force | age 20-24 (75.4% compared to 72.4%, a difference of 4.1%), and in labor force | age 35-44 (82.6% compared to 84.2%, a difference of 2.0%). Conversely, both communities are more comparable in terms of in labor force | age > 16 (64.9% compared to 65.6%, a difference of 1.1%), in labor force | age 30-34 (83.2% compared to 84.4%, a difference of 1.4%), and in labor force | age 20-64 (78.2% compared to 79.4%, a difference of 1.5%).

When considering family structure, the most significant differences between Mexican American Indian and Ecuadorian communities in the United States are seen in single father households (2.8% compared to 2.4%, a difference of 18.0%), births to unmarried women (35.7% compared to 33.3%, a difference of 7.4%), and family households with children (29.7% compared to 27.8%, a difference of 7.0%). Conversely, both communities are more comparable in terms of currently married (44.5% compared to 43.6%, a difference of 2.2%), single mother households (7.4% compared to 7.2%, a difference of 2.4%), and divorced or separated (12.0% compared to 11.7%, a difference of 2.5%).

When considering vehicle availability, the most significant differences between Mexican American Indian and Ecuadorian communities in the United States are seen in no vehicles in household (9.1% compared to 22.8%, a difference of 150.2%), 4 or more vehicles in household (8.4% compared to 4.5%, a difference of 88.3%), and 3 or more vehicles in household (23.3% compared to 14.1%, a difference of 65.5%). Conversely, both communities are more comparable in terms of 1 or more vehicles in household (91.0% compared to 77.9%, a difference of 16.7%), 2 or more vehicles in household (58.7% compared to 42.0%, a difference of 39.9%), and 3 or more vehicles in household (23.3% compared to 14.1%, a difference of 65.5%).

When considering education level, the most significant differences between Mexican American Indian and Ecuadorian communities in the United States are seen in master's degree (11.2% compared to 14.0%, a difference of 24.4%), professional degree (3.3% compared to 3.9%, a difference of 20.0%), and bachelor's degree (30.2% compared to 35.4%, a difference of 17.0%). Conversely, both communities are more comparable in terms of kindergarten (96.8% compared to 97.0%, a difference of 0.22%), nursery school (96.9% compared to 97.1%, a difference of 0.23%), and 1st grade (96.8% compared to 97.0%, a difference of 0.23%).

When considering disability, the most significant differences between Mexican American Indian and Ecuadorian communities in the United States are seen in hearing disability (3.0% compared to 2.5%, a difference of 21.1%), disability age 18 to 34 (6.7% compared to 5.8%, a difference of 16.2%), and disability age under 5 (1.3% compared to 1.1%, a difference of 14.8%). Conversely, both communities are more comparable in terms of disability age 5 to 17 (5.6% compared to 5.5%, a difference of 2.5%), self-care disability (2.6% compared to 2.6%, a difference of 2.7%), and ambulatory disability (6.3% compared to 6.1%, a difference of 3.2%).