Osage vs Central American Indian Community Comparison

The statistical analysis conducted on geographies consisting of 79,691,289 people shows a significant positive correlation between the proportion of Central American Indians within Osage communities in the United States with a correlation coefficient (R) of 0.631. On average, for every 1% (one percent) increase in Osage within a typical geography, there is an increase of 0.796% in Central American Indians. To illustrate, in a geography comprising of 100,000 individuals, a rise of 1,000 Osage corresponds to an increase of 796.1 Central American Indians.

When considering income, the most significant differences between Osage and Central American Indian communities in the United States are seen in wage/income gap (27.1% compared to 22.7%, a difference of 19.4%), householder income under 25 years ($45,764 compared to $48,643, a difference of 6.3%), and median male earnings ($50,292 compared to $47,433, a difference of 6.0%). Conversely, both communities are more comparable in terms of median female earnings ($36,034 compared to $35,930, a difference of 0.29%), median household income ($75,240 compared to $74,847, a difference of 0.53%), and householder income ages 45 - 64 years ($88,390 compared to $86,764, a difference of 1.9%).

When considering poverty, the most significant differences between Osage and Central American Indian communities in the United States are seen in married-couple family poverty (5.4% compared to 8.3%, a difference of 52.4%), receiving food stamps (11.7% compared to 17.1%, a difference of 45.5%), and seniors poverty over the age of 75 (11.4% compared to 16.5%, a difference of 45.3%). Conversely, both communities are more comparable in terms of single female poverty (24.4% compared to 25.5%, a difference of 4.3%), single male poverty (16.5% compared to 17.2%, a difference of 4.8%), and single mother poverty (32.6% compared to 34.3%, a difference of 5.3%).

When considering unemployment, the most significant differences between Osage and Central American Indian communities in the United States are seen in female unemployment (4.9% compared to 6.3%, a difference of 27.4%), unemployment among ages 20 to 24 years (9.4% compared to 11.9%, a difference of 27.0%), and unemployment among ages 45 to 54 years (4.2% compared to 5.3%, a difference of 26.2%). Conversely, both communities are more comparable in terms of unemployment among women with children under 6 years (9.5% compared to 9.6%, a difference of 1.1%), unemployment among ages 30 to 34 years (6.3% compared to 6.4%, a difference of 1.5%), and unemployment among seniors over 75 years (8.9% compared to 9.2%, a difference of 3.6%).

When considering labor participation, the most significant differences between Osage and Central American Indian communities in the United States are seen in in labor force | age 16-19 (39.0% compared to 34.1%, a difference of 14.3%), in labor force | age 20-24 (75.3% compared to 72.7%, a difference of 3.6%), and in labor force | age 20-64 (78.0% compared to 77.1%, a difference of 1.2%). Conversely, both communities are more comparable in terms of in labor force | age > 16 (63.5% compared to 63.4%, a difference of 0.13%), in labor force | age 25-29 (82.3% compared to 82.4%, a difference of 0.15%), and in labor force | age 35-44 (82.9% compared to 82.5%, a difference of 0.56%).

When considering family structure, the most significant differences between Osage and Central American Indian communities in the United States are seen in births to unmarried women (32.1% compared to 39.0%, a difference of 21.5%), single mother households (6.4% compared to 7.6%, a difference of 19.0%), and currently married (47.5% compared to 43.3%, a difference of 9.7%). Conversely, both communities are more comparable in terms of family households with children (27.6% compared to 27.9%, a difference of 1.0%), family households (63.7% compared to 65.2%, a difference of 2.3%), and average family size (3.18 compared to 3.35, a difference of 5.3%).

When considering vehicle availability, the most significant differences between Osage and Central American Indian communities in the United States are seen in no vehicles in household (8.7% compared to 13.3%, a difference of 53.5%), 4 or more vehicles in household (7.8% compared to 6.5%, a difference of 20.1%), and 3 or more vehicles in household (22.7% compared to 19.0%, a difference of 19.3%). Conversely, both communities are more comparable in terms of 1 or more vehicles in household (91.4% compared to 86.7%, a difference of 5.4%), 2 or more vehicles in household (58.8% compared to 52.5%, a difference of 11.9%), and 3 or more vehicles in household (22.7% compared to 19.0%, a difference of 19.3%).

When considering education level, the most significant differences between Osage and Central American Indian communities in the United States are seen in no schooling completed (1.8% compared to 2.8%, a difference of 62.0%), doctorate degree (1.7% compared to 1.5%, a difference of 8.6%), and college, under 1 year (62.7% compared to 59.0%, a difference of 6.2%). Conversely, both communities are more comparable in terms of master's degree (12.6% compared to 12.4%, a difference of 1.1%), nursery school (98.3% compared to 97.2%, a difference of 1.2%), and kindergarten (98.3% compared to 97.2%, a difference of 1.2%).

When considering disability, the most significant differences between Osage and Central American Indian communities in the United States are seen in disability age under 5 (1.8% compared to 1.3%, a difference of 37.2%), hearing disability (4.1% compared to 3.3%, a difference of 25.7%), and disability age 18 to 34 (8.3% compared to 6.9%, a difference of 19.5%). Conversely, both communities are more comparable in terms of disability age 65 to 74 (27.5% compared to 27.1%, a difference of 1.3%), disability age over 75 (49.8% compared to 50.5%, a difference of 1.4%), and cognitive disability (17.8% compared to 18.2%, a difference of 2.4%).